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Rousier-Vercruyssen, Lucie

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Rousier-Vercruyssen, Lucie
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https://libra.unine.ch/handle/123456789/735

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  • Publication
    Métadonnées seulement
    When and Why do old speakers use more fillers than young speakers?
    (Louvain la Neuve: Presses universitaires de Louvain, 2019)
    Rousier-Vercruyssen, Lucie 
    ;
    Lacheret, Anne
    ;
    Fossard, Marion 
  • Publication
    Métadonnées seulement
    Que révèle la pause silencieuse sur l'accessibilité cognitive d'un référent et le vieillissement langagier?
    (2018-8-3)
    Rousier-Vercruyssen, Lucie 
    ;
    Lacheret, Anne
    ;
    Fossard, Marion 
    Cette contribution a pour objectif principal d’examiner les relations entre saillance référentielle et durée des pauses, et leurs variations chez des locuteurs jeunes adultes et seniors. L’objectif secondaire est d’explorer l’existence d’un lien potentiel entre la durée des pauses et l’habileté de prise en compte de l’autre. Pour cette étude, des narrations d’images séquentielles et un questionnaire d’autoévaluation ont été utilisés. Les résultats ont montré que les pauses silencieuses semblent implicitement marquer l’acte référentiel : les pauses sont plus longues avant un changement de référent d’accessibilité moindre comparativement à l’évocation d’un référent maintenu. L’évocation d’un référent – quelle que soit son accessibilité – paraît plus complexe pour les seniors comparativement aux jeunes adultes. Cette complexité s’avère plus présente chez les seniors qui ont des difficultés de prise en compte de l’autre.
  • Publication
    Métadonnées seulement
    Referential choices in a collaborative storytelling task: discourse stages and referential complexity matter
    (2018-2-20)
    Fossard, Marion 
    ;
    Achim, Amélie
    ;
    Rousier-Vercruyssen, Lucie 
    ;
    Gonzalez, Sylvia 
    ;
    Bureau, Alexandre
    ;
    Champagne-Lavau, Maud
    During a narrative discourse, accessibility of the referents is rarely fixed once and for all. Rather, each referent varies in accessibility as the discourse unfolds, depending on the presence and prominence of the other referents. This leads the speaker to use various referential expressions to refer to the main protagonists of the story at different moments in the narrative. This study relies on a new, collaborative storytelling in sequence task designed to assess how speakers adjust their referential choices when they refer to different characters at specific discourse stages corresponding to the introduction, maintaining or shift of the character in focus, in increasingly complex referential contexts. Referential complexity of the stories was manipulated through variations in the number of characters (1 vs. 2) and, for stories in which there were two characters, in their ambiguity in gender (different vs. same gender). Data were coded for the type of reference markers as well as the type of reference content (i.e. the extent of the information provided in the referential expression). Results showed that, beyond the expected effects of discourse stages on reference markers (more indefinite markers at the introduction stage, more pronouns at the maintaining stage, and more definite markers at the shift stage), the number of characters and their ambiguity in gender also modulated speakers’ referential choices at specific discourse stages, For the maintaining stage, an effect of the number of characters was observed for the use of pronouns and of definite markers, with more pronouns when there was a single character, sometimes replaced by definite expressions when two characters were present in the story. For the shift stage, an effect of gender ambiguity was specifically noted for the reference content with more specific information provided in the referential expression when there was referential ambiguity. Reference content is an aspect of referential marking that is rarely addressed in a narrative context, yet it revealed a quite flexible referential behavior by the speakers.
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    Métadonnées seulement
  • Publication
    Métadonnées seulement
  • Publication
    Métadonnées seulement
  • Publication
    Métadonnées seulement
    Prosodic prominence: a cue to distinguish young and old speakers?
    (2015-6-15)
    Rousier-Vercruyssen, Lucie 
    ;
    Lacheret-Dujour, Anne
    ;
    Fossard, Marion 
    Scholars highlight the structuring function of prosody in language production and comprehension processes ([1], [2], [3]). Prosody also gives information on referents' accessibility in the conversation ([4], [5], [6]). Typically, accented nouns refer to less accessible referents whereas unaccented nouns refer rather to more accessible referents ([7], [8], [9]). Accentuation is linked to Gussenhoven’s “effort code” ([10]), which, in French, is related to different levels of prominent syllables ([11], [12], [13], [14]). In a listening task, [15] indicates that attention of old and young adults is attracted towards the important information through pitch accents to the detriment of the less important information which is less taken into account. We tried to determine whether these results can be observed in a production task: can different strategies of accentuation be observed between younger (YS) and older speakers (OS) according to the informational status of a discourse unit (more or less informational)? The aim of the study is (i) to examine the relation between referential complexity / ambiguity, discourse stages, and prosodic prominence and (ii) to compare the prominence productions of the YS and OS. The analysis, led on 30 YS (mean age: 27.8) and 30 OS (mean age: 69.36), is based on a storytelling in sequence task. The experimental material, composed of three sequences structured around six pictures, allows us to treat jointly the referential complexity (one/two characters), the referential ambiguity (different/same gender) and discourse stages (maintain/shift). 180 storytelling, extracted from SNF’s data n°140269 for a duration of two hours of recording, were transcribed in Praat ([16]) and segmented into syllables with EasyAlign ([17]). Each syllable is annotated by one of the three levels of prominence ([18]): not prominent (NP), weakly prominent (WP) or strongly prominent (SP). For analyses, a rate of prominent syllable is calculated as follows: the number of prominent syllables for every level of prominence divided by the total number of the present syllables in a discourse stage and in each of more or less referentially complex / ambiguous storytelling. The purpose is to examine whether the rates of prominent syllable (NP, WP and SP) are (i) influenced by the referential complexity/ambiguity and discourse stages, and (ii) produced identically by the YS and OS. All subjects considered, results show a significant effect of referential ambiguity with an increase in WP syllable rate, suggesting a discrete accentuation in presence of a context with referential ambiguity. The results also show a significant effect of the shift stage with an increase in WP syllable rate and a decrease in NP syllable rate, indicating that all speakers produce more WP syllables when the character in focus changes. Moreover, the comparison between YS and OS indicates that, in a context with referential complexity (1/2 characters), YS significantly produce more WP sylla bles and OS significantly more NP syllables. These results suggest that YS modulate more their production of prominent syllables and that OS prefer to reduce the “effort code”. The comparison also shows a significant effect of both discourse stages with an increase in WP syllables for YS compared to OS. Interestingly, OS produce more SP syllables during a shift stage in a context with referential ambiguity compared to YS. These results can be linked to the results found by [15]. Generally, OS and YS produce more WP syllables in the context of referential ambiguity. In both discourse stages, YS modulate their “effort code” by stressing their syllables more weakly whereas OS stress their syllables more strongly during a shift stage. This can suggest that with ageing we produce an “effort code” only if necessary, that is for the shift stage.