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Skoruppa, Katrin
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Skoruppa, Katrin
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Professeur.e ordinaire
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Voici les éléments 1 - 6 sur 6
- PublicationAccès libreEarly Word Recognition in Sentence Context: French and English 24-Month-Olds' Sensitivity to Sentence-Medial Mispronunciations and Assimilations(2013)
; ;Mani, Nivedita ;Plunkett, Kim ;Cabrol, DominiquePeperkamp, SharonRecent work has shown that young children can use fine phonetic detail during the recognition of isolated and sentence-final words from early in lexical development. The present study investigates 24-month-olds' word recognition in sentence-medial position in two experiments using an Intermodal Preferential Looking paradigm. In Experiment 1, French toddlers detect word-final voicing mispronunciations (e.g., buz [byz] for bus [bys] “bus”), and they compensate for native voicing assimilations (e.g., buz devant toi [buzdəvɑ̃twa] “bus in front of you”) in the middle of sentences. Similarly, English toddlers detect word-final voicing mispronunciations (e.g., sheeb for sheep) in Experiment 2, but they do not compensate for illicit voicing assimilations (e.g., sheeb there). Thus, French and English 24-month-olds can take into account fine phonetic detail even if words are presented in the middle of sentences, and French toddlers show language-specific compensation abilities for pronunciation variation caused by native voicing assimilation. - PublicationAccès libreThe Development of Word Stress Processing in French and Spanish Infants(2013)
; ;Pons, Ferran ;Bosch, Laura ;Christophe, Anne ;Cabrol, DominiquePeperkamp, SharonThis study focuses on the development of lexical stress perception during the first year of life. Previous research shows that cross-linguistic differences in word stress organization translate into differences in word stress processing from a very early age: At 9 months, Spanish-learning infants, learning a language with variable word stress, can discriminate between segmentally varied nonsense words with initial stress (e.g., níla, túli) and final stress (e.g., lutá, pukí) in a headturn preference procedure. However, French infants, who learn a language with fixed word stress, can only distinguish between initial and final stress when no segmental variability is involved (Skoruppa et al., 2009). The present study investigates the emergence of this cross-linguistic difference. We show that at six months, neither Spanish nor French infants encode stress patterns in the presence of segmental variability (Experiment 1), while both groups succeed in the absence of segmental variability (Experiment 2). Hence, only Spanish infants, who learn a variable stress language, get better at tracking stress patterns in segmentally varied words between the ages of 6 and 9 months. In contrast, all infants seem to be able to discriminate basic stress patterns in the absence of segmental variability during the first nine months of life, regardless of the status of stress in their native language. - PublicationAccès libreToddlers’ Processing of Phonological Alternations: Early Compensation for Assimilation in English and French(2012)
; ;Mani, NiveditaPeperkamp, SharonUsing a picture pointing task, this study examines toddlers’ processing of phonological alternations that trigger sound changes in connected speech. Three experiments investigate whether 2;5- to 3-year-old children take into account assimilations—processes by which phonological features of one sound spread to adjacent sounds—for the purpose of word recognition (e.g., in English, ten pounds can be produced as te[mp]ounds). English toddlers (n = 18) show sensitivity to native place assimilations during lexical access in Experiment 1. Likewise, French toddlers (n = 27) compensate for French voicing assimilations in Experiment 2. However, French toddlers (n = 27) do not take into account a hypothetical non-native place assimilation rule in Experiment 3, suggesting that compensation for assimilation is already language specific. - PublicationAccès libreAdaptation to Novel Accents: Feature-Based Learning of Context-Sensitive Phonological Regularities(2011)
; Peperkamp, SharonThis paper examines whether adults can adapt to novel accents of their native language that contain unfamiliar context-dependent phonological alternations. In two experiments, French participants listen to short stories read in accented speech. Their knowledge of the accents is then tested in a forced-choice identification task. In Experiment 1, two groups of listeners are exposed to newly created French accents in which certain vowels harmonize or disharmonize, respectively, to the rounding of the preceding vowel. Despite the cross-linguistic predominance of vowel harmony over disharmony, the two groups adapt equally well to both accents, suggesting that this typological difference is not reflected in perceptual learning. Experiment 2 further explores the mechanism underlying this type of phonological learning. Participants are exposed to an accent in which some vowels harmonize and others disharmonize, yielding an increased featural complexity. They adapt less well to this regularity, showing that adaptation to novel accents involves feature-based inferences. - PublicationAccès libreEnglish-learning infants’ perception of word stress patterns(2011)
; ;Cristià, Alejandrina ;Peperkamp, SharonSeidl, AmandaAdult speakers of different free stress languages (e.g., English, Spanish) differ both in their sensitivity to lexical stress and in their processing of suprasegmental and vowel quality cues to stress. In a head-turn preference experiment with a familiarization phase, both 8-month-old and 12-month-old English-learning infants discriminated between initial stress and final stress among lists of Spanish-spoken disyllabic nonwords that were segmentally varied (e.g. [ˈnila, ˈtuli] vs [luˈta, puˈki]). This is evidence that English-learning infants are sensitive to lexical stress patterns, instantiated primarily by suprasegmental cues, during the second half of the first year of life. - PublicationAccès libreLanguage-specific stress perception by 9-month-old French and Spanish infants(2009)
; ;Pons, Ferran ;Christophe, Anne ;Bosch, Laura ;Dupoux, Emmanuel ;Sebastián-Gallés, Núria ;Alves Limissuri, RitaPeperkamp, SharonDuring the first year of life, infants begin to have difficulties perceiving non-native vowel and consonant contrasts, thus adapting their perception to the phonetic categories of the target language. In this paper, we examine the perception of a non-segmental feature, i.e. stress. Previous research with adults has shown that speakers of French (a language with fixed stress) have great difficulties in perceiving stress contrasts ( Dupoux, Pallier, Sebastián & Mehler, 1997 ), whereas speakers of Spanish (a language with lexically contrastive stress) perceive these contrasts as accurately as segmental contrasts. We show that language-specific differences in the perception of stress likewise arise during the first year of life. Specifically, 9-month-old Spanish infants successfully distinguish between stress-initial and stress-final pseudo-words, while French infants of this age show no sign of discrimination. In a second experiment using multiple tokens of a single pseudo-word, French infants of the same age successfully discriminate between the two stress patterns, showing that they are able to perceive the acoustic correlates of stress. Their failure to discriminate stress patterns in the first experiment thus reflects an inability to process stress at an abstract, phonological level.